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The Democracy Center On-Line

Volume 69 - January 19, 2006

BECHTEL VS. BOLIVIA: THE PEOPLE WIN!!

 

Dear Readers:

The people have won!!

This morning here in Bolivia, the Bechtel Corporation will sign an agreement dropping its $50 million legal case against the people of Cochabamba – for kicking Bechtel out in the 2000 water revolt. Instead of the fortune it demanded, Bechtel will fly home with a token settlement of two shiny Bolivian coins worth a total of thirty cents. One of the biggest, most powerful corporations on Earth has been defeated by an army of concerned citizens all over the world, including many of you.  

Bechtel’s surrender is a historic first. Below is an article with details. To the thousands of people who helped wage this fight – with everything from e-mails to direct actions – congratulations! You did it!  

Jim Shultz
The Democracy Center

 

 

BECHTEL VS. BOLIVIA: THE PEOPLE WIN!

The Cochabamba water revolt – which began exactly six years ago this month – will end this morning (19 January 2006) when Bechtel, one of the world’s most powerful corporations, formally abandons its legal effort to take $50 million from the Bolivian people. Bechtel made that demand before a secretive trade court operated by the World Bank, the same institution that coerced Bolivia to privatize the water to begin with. Faced with protests, barrages of e-mails, visits to their homes, and years of damaging press, Bechtel executives finally decided to surrender, walking away with a token payment equal to thirty cents. That retreat sets a huge global precedent.  

The Cochabamba Water Revolt

In January 2000 the people of Cochabamba, Bolivia woke up one morning to discover that their public water system had been taken over by a mysterious new private company, Aguas del Tunari. The World Bank had coerced Bolivia to privatize its water, as a condition of further aid. The new company, controlled by Bechtel, the California engineering giant, announced its arrival with a huge overnight increase in local water bills. Water rates leapt by an average of more than fifty percent, and in some cases much higher. Bechtel and its Spanish co-investor, Abengoa, priced water beyond what many families here could afford.  

The people demanded that the rate hikes be permanently reversed. The Bolivian government refused. Then the people demanded that the company’s contract be canceled. The government sent out police and soldiers to take control of the city and declared a state martial law.  

In the face of beatings, of leaders being taken from their houses in the middle of the night, of a seventeen-year-old boy being shot and killed by the army – in the face of it all, the people did not back down. In April of 2000 Bechtel’s company was forced to leave and the people won back control of their water.  

Bechtel Fights Back

Eighteen months later Bechtel and Abengoa sought revenge, filing a $50 million legal action against Bolivia in the World Bank’s trade court – the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). It was a legal forum tailor-made for Bechtel. The people of Cochabamba would be tried in Washington, in English, and in a process so secret that no member of the public or press would be allowed to know when the tribunal met, who testified before it, or what they said.  

Bechtel claimed it was suing for both its losses and the profits it wasn’t allowed to make. Records would later show that Bechtel and its associates had spent less than $1 million in Bolivia.  

The People vs. Bechtel

What Bechtel did not count on was the firestorm of public protest that it would face. Cochabamba water revolt leaders, The Democracy Center, and a host of allies all over the world launched a global campaign to force Bechtel to drop the case.  

Thousands sent e-mails to corporate executives. Protesters in San Francisco blocked the entrance to Bechtel’s headquarters, occupied its lobby, and draped a banner across its front. Dutch activists mounted a ladder and posted a sign renaming Bechtel’s Amsterdam office after Victor Hugo Daza, the 17-year-old killed in Cochabamba. The San Francisco Board of Supervisors approved a resolution calling on Bechtel to drop its case.  

More than 300 organizations from 43 countries joined in a citizens petition to the World Bank demanding that the case be opened to public scrutiny and participation. Activists in Washington DC protested at the home of the head of Bechtel’s water company. Hundreds of articles and dozens of documentaries were published and produced worldwide, making Bechtel and its Bolivian water takeover a poster child of corporate greed and abuse.

Bechtel – a corporation so powerful that it won a billion-dollar, no-bid Bush administration contract to rebuild Iraq – found it all more than even it could take. Last June, Bechtel and its associates raised the white flag and began negotiating a deal to drop their case – for a token payment of two bolivianos (thirty cents). Sources close to the negotiations say that Bechtel’s CEO, Riley Bechtel, personally intervened to bring the case to and end, weary of the ongoing damage to the corporation’s reputation. Bechtel officials flew to Bolivia this week to sign the surrender and collect their two coins.  

Bechtel’s Surrender – What it Means  

Bechtel’s surrender settlement is historic. The World Bank’s system of closed-door trade courts has received more than 200 cases like Bechtel’s. The WTO and NAFTA trade courts have their own pile of corporate cases. In no other, however, has a major corporation backed down as a result of public pressure.  

The public victory over Bechtel is a direct hit against the ever-tightening spider web of global trade rules. International financial institutions, such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, coerce poor countries into privatization arrangements as a condition of aid. Corrupt and incompetent governments sit down behind closed doors with multinational corporations and cut bad deals. A year later, or a decade later, the people finally realize what has happened. They demand a reversal and the companies warn, “Mess with the deal and we will take you to court – and we will win.”  

In Cochabamba, people “messed with the deal” big time. They took back their water. The global campaign against Bechtel sends an important message to other corporations who are thinking of following in their legal footsteps, in Bolivia and beyond:  

“No, we will not let you wage this fight behind closed doors where only a handful of lawyers has a voice. We will wage this fight on your doorstep. We will make you defend your actions in the court of world public opinion, before your neighbors, your friends, and the media.”  

One thing that corporations know how to do well is math. When Bechtel and its associates did the math on Cochabamba they concluded that the cost to the company’s public reputation was greater than whatever payment they hoped to take from the pockets of Bolivia’s poor.  

One again, it is clear that the economic rules of the game can be changed. Six years ago the people of Cochabamba won their revolt over water with courage and commitment. Today we have all won the water revolt’s second and final round, with a persistence that was truly global and that could not be stopped. Another world is indeed possible.  

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A note: For more information on the Cochabamba Water Revolt visit The Democracy Center’s Web site section dedicated to it: http://democracyctr.org/bechtel/.



Maids face abuse on return home 

scmp - Saturday, January 21, 2006


FABIO SCARPELLO in Jakarta
Usually Indonesia's maids make headlines when they are victims of abuses abroad, yet little is known that once they land at Jakarta, they are swiftly moved to a separate terminal - Terminal Three - where they have to endure further pains, cheats and mistreatments.

Terminal Three was built by the government to speed up transfer operations of the hundreds of maids who return every day after long working spells in Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and the Middle East.

The idea has gone sour as the terminal's seclusion has basically turned the building into a trap for the young women, who are virtually left at the mercy of crooks, thought to operate in agreement with the police.

"Practically everybody takes advantage of the maids who are often young, uneducated and too scared to stand up to the men," said Salmasafitri, from the local Ong Solidariatas Perampuan - Women's Solidarity.

Returning from a recent trip to Kuala Lumpur, Ms Salmasafitri went under cover, posing as a domestic worker and living the ordeal first-hand.

At Terminal Three, the government provides "free" luggage handlers and "affordable" minivans for the women's return trips to their homes.

Yet airport staff force the young women to pay much higher prices. The maids, who often have no local currency, are also forced to accept exorbitant exchange rates to get the money needed to pay for the transport.

"The women have no choice. They have heavy luggage and no local currency, so they are forced to change their hard-earned money to pay the porters," Ms Salmasafitri said.

According to several sources, Indonesian domestic workers abroad are paid a mere US$30 to US$100 a month.

Besides the extortion at the terminal, the young girls are often subjected to sexual harassment. Ms Salmasafitri said foul language was the norm, while the youngest were at times fondled.

There had also been a few cases of rape in the minivans on the journey back to their home villages.

According to Solidariatas Perampuan, the government has promised time and time again to act, but so far has not.

The solution, Ms Salmasafitri suggests, is to close the terminal, which she calls "a discriminatory act against women" and which clashes with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women adopted by the United Nations in 1979 and ratified by Jakarta in September 1984.

"If the maids were allowed to use the other terminals, like other passengers, the problem would be solved," she said.