Poor people hit hardest and now aid effort fails them, says Oxfam
scmp - Sunday, June 26, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in London
Reconstruction efforts to help tsunami victims have not always concentrated on the poorest, British charity Oxfam said yesterday.
In its Targeting Poor People report on the eve of the tsunami's six-month anniversary, Oxfam said: "In some cases there has been a tendency to focus on landowners, business people and the most high-profile cases, rather than prioritise aid to poor communities."
Explaining why it felt poorer people suffered most from the tsunami, Oxfam's report said "fragile houses were washed away while the brick houses of richer people were more likely to withstand the force".
The charity added that poor villages in remote areas had no doctors on hand and took longer to receive aid.
"A geographical coincidence meant that the tsunami affected some of the poorest people in each of the three worst-hit countries," the report said.
"The generous response of the public has put us in a strong position to address these problems," said Barbara Stocking, director of Oxfam Great Britain.
"We must use this as an opportunity to help people work their way out of poverty and to ensure they are better placed to deal with natural disasters if and when they strike again."
Oxfam felt the general immediate relief effort was a great success in giving people shelter and water and stopping the outbreak of disease, it said.
The charity said it would spend US$250 million over five years to help tsunami victims, with greater focus on women and marginalised groups.
Meanwhile, former US president Bill Clinton, the United Nations special envoy for tsunami relief, has appealed for continued aid to Southeast Asia.
Mr Clinton stressed in a New York Times article that the recovery effort had a long way to go, with hundreds of thousands homeless and thousands of schools to be rebuilt.
In Indonesia's Aceh province alone, some 2,000 new schools and 200,000 homes were needed.
He warned that as construction gathered pace, planners and workers had to be mindful of environmental risks.
"Unrestricted logging can cause deforestation in some regions, particularly in Indonesia, doing great damage to rainforests and setting the stage for more natural disasters," he said.
The tsunami is believed to have caused extensive damage to Aceh's 346,838 hectares of mangrove forest.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in London
Reconstruction efforts to help tsunami victims have not always concentrated on the poorest, British charity Oxfam said yesterday.
In its Targeting Poor People report on the eve of the tsunami's six-month anniversary, Oxfam said: "In some cases there has been a tendency to focus on landowners, business people and the most high-profile cases, rather than prioritise aid to poor communities."
Explaining why it felt poorer people suffered most from the tsunami, Oxfam's report said "fragile houses were washed away while the brick houses of richer people were more likely to withstand the force".
The charity added that poor villages in remote areas had no doctors on hand and took longer to receive aid.
"A geographical coincidence meant that the tsunami affected some of the poorest people in each of the three worst-hit countries," the report said.
"The generous response of the public has put us in a strong position to address these problems," said Barbara Stocking, director of Oxfam Great Britain.
"We must use this as an opportunity to help people work their way out of poverty and to ensure they are better placed to deal with natural disasters if and when they strike again."
Oxfam felt the general immediate relief effort was a great success in giving people shelter and water and stopping the outbreak of disease, it said.
The charity said it would spend US$250 million over five years to help tsunami victims, with greater focus on women and marginalised groups.
Meanwhile, former US president Bill Clinton, the United Nations special envoy for tsunami relief, has appealed for continued aid to Southeast Asia.
Mr Clinton stressed in a New York Times article that the recovery effort had a long way to go, with hundreds of thousands homeless and thousands of schools to be rebuilt.
In Indonesia's Aceh province alone, some 2,000 new schools and 200,000 homes were needed.
He warned that as construction gathered pace, planners and workers had to be mindful of environmental risks.
"Unrestricted logging can cause deforestation in some regions, particularly in Indonesia, doing great damage to rainforests and setting the stage for more natural disasters," he said.
The tsunami is believed to have caused extensive damage to Aceh's 346,838 hectares of mangrove forest.
Tsunami survivors as much in need as ever
SCMP Editorial - Sunday, June 26, 2005
Like nothing before, the Indian Ocean tsunami brought the world closer together. For a time, without regard for nationality, politics or religion, the disaster that affected 11 Asian and African countries six months ago today united people with the common goal of saving lives.
The generosity was unprecedented - more than US$10 billion was pledged by governments and individuals. Donations are still trickling in to charities and the United Nations. Equally unusually, a large proportion of what was promised has actually been given - an estimated US$2.8 billion from governments and US$4.5 billion in private donations.
Rarely do donors come good with their promises to such a degree and those who monitor charities are still guessing as to the reason. Perhaps it was because the massive earthquake and tsunami struck the day after Christmas, traditionally a time of charity and goodwill; maybe it was because so many people and countries were affected; it could have been the spectacular nature of the disaster; or even the fact that so many foreigners holidaying on the region's beaches were involved.
Regardless, people normally given little international attention were suddenly the centre of the world's focus. As quickly as search-and-rescue operations started, food, water, medical supplies and other essentials were being loaded onto trucks, planes and ships. They were followed by teams of humanitarian workers providing temporary shelter, water and sanitation, vaccinations and other health care, school supplies and psychological help.
The scale of the tragedy was enormous - more than 232,000 people dead or missing, mostly in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India and Thailand, and up to 2 million affected.
Six months later, the disaster relief phase has ended, but the most difficult challenge - the recovery effort - lies ahead. The scale is enormous and will take from two years to a decade, depending on how badly the community being helped is affected.
Despite the billions of dollars donated, much more is needed. Governments, UN agencies, charities and humanitarian groups must keep up the momentum.
The scale of the job that remains cannot be underestimated. Tens of thousands of houses and hundreds of schools, hospitals and other essential buildings destroyed by the disaster have to be replaced; damaged roads and bridges repaired or replaced; access to safe water and sanitation ensured; and ways found to restore the livelihoods of hundreds of thousands of people.
Recovery efforts are at a particularly difficult phase because while nations have almost completed long-term planning for reconstruction, implementation remains far off. For instance, as we report today on the facing page, British charity Oxfam says help is not always reaching the poorest victims in remote areas.
An action plan needs to be quickly put in place so that affected governments, UN agencies, non-governmental groups and the corporate sector know who is going to do what and when. The displaced need to be moved from tents to adequate transitional shelter. Greater efforts have to be taken to protect the most vulnerable, especially women and children. Livelihoods need to be restored through vocational training and the capacity of local governmental and non-governmental structures needs to be strengthened.
The recovery effort is a mammoth, marathon job and it must be done at a sprinter's pace, with co-ordination and transparency. Governments and the UN estimate another US$5 billion is necessary to make that happen.
Although a tremendous effort to help the survivors of the tsunami has been made, the magnitude of the devastation must not be forgotten. Immediate relief efforts may be over, but millions of people still need long-term help.
Like nothing before, the Indian Ocean tsunami brought the world closer together. For a time, without regard for nationality, politics or religion, the disaster that affected 11 Asian and African countries six months ago today united people with the common goal of saving lives.
The generosity was unprecedented - more than US$10 billion was pledged by governments and individuals. Donations are still trickling in to charities and the United Nations. Equally unusually, a large proportion of what was promised has actually been given - an estimated US$2.8 billion from governments and US$4.5 billion in private donations.
Rarely do donors come good with their promises to such a degree and those who monitor charities are still guessing as to the reason. Perhaps it was because the massive earthquake and tsunami struck the day after Christmas, traditionally a time of charity and goodwill; maybe it was because so many people and countries were affected; it could have been the spectacular nature of the disaster; or even the fact that so many foreigners holidaying on the region's beaches were involved.
Regardless, people normally given little international attention were suddenly the centre of the world's focus. As quickly as search-and-rescue operations started, food, water, medical supplies and other essentials were being loaded onto trucks, planes and ships. They were followed by teams of humanitarian workers providing temporary shelter, water and sanitation, vaccinations and other health care, school supplies and psychological help.
The scale of the tragedy was enormous - more than 232,000 people dead or missing, mostly in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India and Thailand, and up to 2 million affected.
Six months later, the disaster relief phase has ended, but the most difficult challenge - the recovery effort - lies ahead. The scale is enormous and will take from two years to a decade, depending on how badly the community being helped is affected.
Despite the billions of dollars donated, much more is needed. Governments, UN agencies, charities and humanitarian groups must keep up the momentum.
The scale of the job that remains cannot be underestimated. Tens of thousands of houses and hundreds of schools, hospitals and other essential buildings destroyed by the disaster have to be replaced; damaged roads and bridges repaired or replaced; access to safe water and sanitation ensured; and ways found to restore the livelihoods of hundreds of thousands of people.
Recovery efforts are at a particularly difficult phase because while nations have almost completed long-term planning for reconstruction, implementation remains far off. For instance, as we report today on the facing page, British charity Oxfam says help is not always reaching the poorest victims in remote areas.
An action plan needs to be quickly put in place so that affected governments, UN agencies, non-governmental groups and the corporate sector know who is going to do what and when. The displaced need to be moved from tents to adequate transitional shelter. Greater efforts have to be taken to protect the most vulnerable, especially women and children. Livelihoods need to be restored through vocational training and the capacity of local governmental and non-governmental structures needs to be strengthened.
The recovery effort is a mammoth, marathon job and it must be done at a sprinter's pace, with co-ordination and transparency. Governments and the UN estimate another US$5 billion is necessary to make that happen.
Although a tremendous effort to help the survivors of the tsunami has been made, the magnitude of the devastation must not be forgotten. Immediate relief efforts may be over, but millions of people still need long-term help.
Tsunami aid to be shared with Tigers
scmp - Saturday, June 25, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE and REUTERS in Colombo
In a move that has incensed a former member of its coalition, the Sri Lankan government has signed a long-awaited deal to share US$3 billion worth of tsunami aid with the Tamil Tigers.
The agreement comes after months of political bickering that had threatened to destroy the government, with the Marxist JVP, or People's Liberation Front quitting the ruling coalition last week.
The paper-signing sitting ended in chaos when Marxist MPs prevented ministers from speaking on the deal. Outside the assembly, police used tear gas to disperse hundreds of JVP supporters. The Marxists skirmished with anti-riot police as Buddhist monks in saffron robes noisily helped derail a debate inside.
The monks, students and JVP say the deal threatens the country's sovereignty and helps the Tigers' aim to carve out a separate state.
There was a similar demonstration in the island's northeastern district of Trincomalee.
The pact, under which committees comprising rebels, government officials and Muslims can recommend, prioritise and monitor projects, has been held up for months because of the infighting.
But the rebels say the deal could help jump-start stalled talks aimed at converting a three-year ceasefire into permanent peace if properly implemented, a move that would probably boost investor confidence choked by two decades of war.
Maithripala Sirisena, minister in charge of the Mahaweli River Basin and leader of the house in Parliament, announced in his office that the memorandum of understanding had been signed, minutes after protests forced him to abandon a parliamentary debate.
The aid deal will help speed up relief to tens of thousands of Sri Lankans still living in tents, wooden shacks and rudimentary concrete homes six months after December's tsunami killed 40,000 people along the island's shores.
The proposed Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure was made public for the first time after months of secret talks with the help of peace broker Norway.
The mechanism will be funded through foreign aid. It will be in three tiers with a three-member panel - comprising one representative each from the government, the Tigers and the minority Muslim community - at the top.
Donors had insisted on the joint mechanism so that they could channel aid to that rather than directly to the guerillas. Several countries have outlawed the Tigers and cannot give money directly to them.
Most of the destruction from the tsunami was in the island's embattled north and east, much of which is dominated by the Tigers.
The government responded to the uproar in Parliament by postponing sittings until July 5.
This will not have any effect on the deal but more demonstrations are expected.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE and REUTERS in Colombo
In a move that has incensed a former member of its coalition, the Sri Lankan government has signed a long-awaited deal to share US$3 billion worth of tsunami aid with the Tamil Tigers.
The agreement comes after months of political bickering that had threatened to destroy the government, with the Marxist JVP, or People's Liberation Front quitting the ruling coalition last week.
The paper-signing sitting ended in chaos when Marxist MPs prevented ministers from speaking on the deal. Outside the assembly, police used tear gas to disperse hundreds of JVP supporters. The Marxists skirmished with anti-riot police as Buddhist monks in saffron robes noisily helped derail a debate inside.
The monks, students and JVP say the deal threatens the country's sovereignty and helps the Tigers' aim to carve out a separate state.
There was a similar demonstration in the island's northeastern district of Trincomalee.
The pact, under which committees comprising rebels, government officials and Muslims can recommend, prioritise and monitor projects, has been held up for months because of the infighting.
But the rebels say the deal could help jump-start stalled talks aimed at converting a three-year ceasefire into permanent peace if properly implemented, a move that would probably boost investor confidence choked by two decades of war.
Maithripala Sirisena, minister in charge of the Mahaweli River Basin and leader of the house in Parliament, announced in his office that the memorandum of understanding had been signed, minutes after protests forced him to abandon a parliamentary debate.
The aid deal will help speed up relief to tens of thousands of Sri Lankans still living in tents, wooden shacks and rudimentary concrete homes six months after December's tsunami killed 40,000 people along the island's shores.
The proposed Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure was made public for the first time after months of secret talks with the help of peace broker Norway.
The mechanism will be funded through foreign aid. It will be in three tiers with a three-member panel - comprising one representative each from the government, the Tigers and the minority Muslim community - at the top.
Donors had insisted on the joint mechanism so that they could channel aid to that rather than directly to the guerillas. Several countries have outlawed the Tigers and cannot give money directly to them.
Most of the destruction from the tsunami was in the island's embattled north and east, much of which is dominated by the Tigers.
The government responded to the uproar in Parliament by postponing sittings until July 5.
This will not have any effect on the deal but more demonstrations are expected.
KL to issue work permits to more than 100,000 IIs
scmp - Thursday, June 23, 2005
BARADAN KUPPUSAMY in Kuala Lumpur
More than 100,000 asylum seekers were celebrating yesterday after the Malaysian government decided to issue them official identification documents and work permits.
While the decision does not grant refugee status to the asylum seekers, UNHCR officials saw it as a major concession from a country that has not ratified the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees.
Malaysia barely tolerates asylum seekers, who face arrest as illegal migrant workers.
They include Jaafar Abdul, a Rohingya from Myanmar who drives a truck delivering ice to food vendors.
"I don't have to hide like a thief anymore," said Jaafar Abdul, 43.
Like thousands of other Rohingyas, Jaafar Abdul travelled overland from Myanmar, illegally entering Malaysia in 1993. He wound up a stateless person, unable to return home with no third country willing to take him.
More than 100,000 Asian asylum seekers in Malaysia who share Jaafar Abdul's plight are now cheering the government's largesse. The decision covers about 16,000 Rohingyas, 60,000 Moros from the Philippines, 20,000 Acehnese and 12,000 Cambodian Muslims, as well as other ethnic groups.
However, the new policy does not include thousands of their compatriots who are classified as illegal workers by the government.
"A mechanism has to be developed to distinguish between genuine refugees and opportunists," said Nazri Aziz, the minister overseeing refugees who announced the new policy.
But critics say the move panders to demands from the manufacturing and agricultural sectors for cheap labour to plug a large shortfall created by the government's ongoing campaign to deport over a million illegal immigrants, mostly Indonesians.
About 2.6 million of the country's 10.5 million workers are foreigners, both legal and illegal.
The government admits the two sectors need an influx of about 500,000 workers.
"Since we have refugees and many are unemployed, why not use them to overcome the shortage?" Mr Nazri said.
BARADAN KUPPUSAMY in Kuala Lumpur
More than 100,000 asylum seekers were celebrating yesterday after the Malaysian government decided to issue them official identification documents and work permits.
While the decision does not grant refugee status to the asylum seekers, UNHCR officials saw it as a major concession from a country that has not ratified the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees.
Malaysia barely tolerates asylum seekers, who face arrest as illegal migrant workers.
They include Jaafar Abdul, a Rohingya from Myanmar who drives a truck delivering ice to food vendors.
"I don't have to hide like a thief anymore," said Jaafar Abdul, 43.
Like thousands of other Rohingyas, Jaafar Abdul travelled overland from Myanmar, illegally entering Malaysia in 1993. He wound up a stateless person, unable to return home with no third country willing to take him.
More than 100,000 Asian asylum seekers in Malaysia who share Jaafar Abdul's plight are now cheering the government's largesse. The decision covers about 16,000 Rohingyas, 60,000 Moros from the Philippines, 20,000 Acehnese and 12,000 Cambodian Muslims, as well as other ethnic groups.
However, the new policy does not include thousands of their compatriots who are classified as illegal workers by the government.
"A mechanism has to be developed to distinguish between genuine refugees and opportunists," said Nazri Aziz, the minister overseeing refugees who announced the new policy.
But critics say the move panders to demands from the manufacturing and agricultural sectors for cheap labour to plug a large shortfall created by the government's ongoing campaign to deport over a million illegal immigrants, mostly Indonesians.
About 2.6 million of the country's 10.5 million workers are foreigners, both legal and illegal.
The government admits the two sectors need an influx of about 500,000 workers.
"Since we have refugees and many are unemployed, why not use them to overcome the shortage?" Mr Nazri said.
Beijing paving way to renew Vatican links
scmp - Wednesday, June 15, 2005
NAILENE CHOU WIEST in Beijing
Beijing has quietly been conducting exchanges with the Vatican to pave the way for diplomatic ties to be re-established, according to church sources and academics.
In a sign of gathering momentum, Beijing is planning a working group on religious affairs to improve co-ordination on the issue.
Membership will include the State Administration of Religious Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Public Security and the United Front Department of the Communist Party.
Beijing ordered Catholics to break ties with the Vatican in 1951 and appoints its own bishops.
Contact between the two sides was halted in 2000 when the Vatican canonised 120 martyrs who died in China, including some considered to be traitors by Beijing.
The impetus for the bilateral exchanges came last September when a delegation from the State Council's Development Research Centre visited Milan for a conference organised by the Community of Sant'Egidio.
The Sant'Egidio combines social activism with spiritual seriousness and has strong ties with the Vatican. There was heated criticism of the US war on Iraq, and the Chinese delegation, impressed by the discussion, began to cultivate ties.
"A junket turned out to bear fruit that no one had anticipated," a source said.
A high-level representative of Sant'Egidio was invited to the mainland early this year and the same State Council group would return to Rome this month, sources said. The death of Pope John Paul II in April raised hopes that diplomatic ties could be re-established, since he was seen as being responsible for the downfall of communist regimes in eastern Europe.
To seize the initiative, a high-level Foreign Ministry official and a top Vatican foreign policy official met in Rome before Pope Benedict was installed. The Pope has expressed a wish to establish ties with countries that do not have diplomatic relations with the Vatican.
One intractable issue could be the appointment of bishops, as the officially sanctioned mainland church insists on consecrating its own prelates. Over the years, the Vatican has given its blessing to new Chinese bishops, thereby "legitimising" them.
The problem may come to a head when a successor has to be found for Beijing Bishop Michael Fu Tieshan , 74, who has been fighting cancer and may set a precedent by retiring at 75.
NAILENE CHOU WIEST in Beijing
Beijing has quietly been conducting exchanges with the Vatican to pave the way for diplomatic ties to be re-established, according to church sources and academics.
In a sign of gathering momentum, Beijing is planning a working group on religious affairs to improve co-ordination on the issue.
Membership will include the State Administration of Religious Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Public Security and the United Front Department of the Communist Party.
Beijing ordered Catholics to break ties with the Vatican in 1951 and appoints its own bishops.
Contact between the two sides was halted in 2000 when the Vatican canonised 120 martyrs who died in China, including some considered to be traitors by Beijing.
The impetus for the bilateral exchanges came last September when a delegation from the State Council's Development Research Centre visited Milan for a conference organised by the Community of Sant'Egidio.
The Sant'Egidio combines social activism with spiritual seriousness and has strong ties with the Vatican. There was heated criticism of the US war on Iraq, and the Chinese delegation, impressed by the discussion, began to cultivate ties.
"A junket turned out to bear fruit that no one had anticipated," a source said.
A high-level representative of Sant'Egidio was invited to the mainland early this year and the same State Council group would return to Rome this month, sources said. The death of Pope John Paul II in April raised hopes that diplomatic ties could be re-established, since he was seen as being responsible for the downfall of communist regimes in eastern Europe.
To seize the initiative, a high-level Foreign Ministry official and a top Vatican foreign policy official met in Rome before Pope Benedict was installed. The Pope has expressed a wish to establish ties with countries that do not have diplomatic relations with the Vatican.
One intractable issue could be the appointment of bishops, as the officially sanctioned mainland church insists on consecrating its own prelates. Over the years, the Vatican has given its blessing to new Chinese bishops, thereby "legitimising" them.
The problem may come to a head when a successor has to be found for Beijing Bishop Michael Fu Tieshan , 74, who has been fighting cancer and may set a precedent by retiring at 75.
Rights group concerned about abuse of Indonesian maid
scmp - Monday, June 20, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Jakarta
Updated at 11.11am:
More than half a million underage female domestic workers in Indonesia are at risk of potentially fatal sexual and physical abuse and have no legal protection, a leading rights group said on Monday.
Human Rights Watch said about 640,000 girls as young as 12 were being made to work up to 18 hours a day, seven days a week, for employers, many of whom subjected them to constant physical and sexual threats.
In a report released on Monday, it said some female workers suffered wounds caused by beatings, cigarettes, hot iron burns and imprisonment. Other cases had even resulted in paralysis and death.
The New York-based group urged the Indonesian government to amend its labor laws to afford female workers in the world’s largest Muslim-populated country their basic right to decent working hours, regular breaks and a minimum wage.
Indonesia has an estimated 2.6 million domestic workers, of which 688,132 or 34 percent are children, Human Rights Watch said, quoting a 2003 International Labour Organisation survey.
Many of the girls came from poor and rural areas and were lured by neighbours, relatives and labor recruiters with false promises of high wages, easy work and education, the report said.
“The Indonesian government has left child domestic workers at the complete mercy of their employers,” said Sahr Muhammed Ally, a researcher into children’s issues for Human Rights Watch.
“The absence of legal protections or governmental oversight leaves child domestic workers vulnerable to extreme exploitation and abuse,” she said.
The 74-page report offered testimonies from a score of underage female workers who experienced physical, sexual and psychological abuse committed by employers behind closed doors.
Girls recounted tales of sexual harassment and of being raped by male employers or male visitors of their employers, the report said.
“The Indonesian government must no longer turn a blind eye to such abuse, but should take affirmative steps to protect children from such worst forms of child labor,” said Ms Ally.
It said the departure of adults to work in foreign countries also contributed to the rise of underaged workers, with children left behind encouraged to take employment in Indonesian cities to help family incomes.
Indonesia, which has the world’s fourth-largest population, is a major supplier of migrant domestic workers to Middle Eastern, Southeast Asian and East Asian countries.
Human Rights Watch said the government must “strictly enforce the minimum age of 15 for all employment sectors”, both for formal businesses and informal domestic employers.
It also urged Jakarta to work with the International Labour Organisation to implement a programme to eliminate “the worst forms” of child domestic labor by a set deadline.
The rights group’s report was compiled based on a two-month research conducted in seven urban areas on the Indonesian islands of Java and Sumatra from November to December 2004.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Jakarta
Updated at 11.11am:
More than half a million underage female domestic workers in Indonesia are at risk of potentially fatal sexual and physical abuse and have no legal protection, a leading rights group said on Monday.
Human Rights Watch said about 640,000 girls as young as 12 were being made to work up to 18 hours a day, seven days a week, for employers, many of whom subjected them to constant physical and sexual threats.
In a report released on Monday, it said some female workers suffered wounds caused by beatings, cigarettes, hot iron burns and imprisonment. Other cases had even resulted in paralysis and death.
The New York-based group urged the Indonesian government to amend its labor laws to afford female workers in the world’s largest Muslim-populated country their basic right to decent working hours, regular breaks and a minimum wage.
Indonesia has an estimated 2.6 million domestic workers, of which 688,132 or 34 percent are children, Human Rights Watch said, quoting a 2003 International Labour Organisation survey.
Many of the girls came from poor and rural areas and were lured by neighbours, relatives and labor recruiters with false promises of high wages, easy work and education, the report said.
“The Indonesian government has left child domestic workers at the complete mercy of their employers,” said Sahr Muhammed Ally, a researcher into children’s issues for Human Rights Watch.
“The absence of legal protections or governmental oversight leaves child domestic workers vulnerable to extreme exploitation and abuse,” she said.
The 74-page report offered testimonies from a score of underage female workers who experienced physical, sexual and psychological abuse committed by employers behind closed doors.
Girls recounted tales of sexual harassment and of being raped by male employers or male visitors of their employers, the report said.
“The Indonesian government must no longer turn a blind eye to such abuse, but should take affirmative steps to protect children from such worst forms of child labor,” said Ms Ally.
It said the departure of adults to work in foreign countries also contributed to the rise of underaged workers, with children left behind encouraged to take employment in Indonesian cities to help family incomes.
Indonesia, which has the world’s fourth-largest population, is a major supplier of migrant domestic workers to Middle Eastern, Southeast Asian and East Asian countries.
Human Rights Watch said the government must “strictly enforce the minimum age of 15 for all employment sectors”, both for formal businesses and informal domestic employers.
It also urged Jakarta to work with the International Labour Organisation to implement a programme to eliminate “the worst forms” of child domestic labor by a set deadline.
The rights group’s report was compiled based on a two-month research conducted in seven urban areas on the Indonesian islands of Java and Sumatra from November to December 2004.
Let's establish a family tradition
scmp - Monday, June 20, 2005
ANDREW WELLS
The employment of foreign domestic helpers is once again in the news. The fact that almost half of Indonesian maids are being paid less than the minimum wage, together with incidents of mistreatment by employers, has led to letters, editorials and a general feeling that something should be done.
It is not an issue to be solved by well-meaning legal tinkering. It is inherent in the structure of Hong Kong society. In most countries, where the domestic master-servant relationship is still common, there is a long tradition behind it and, for good or ill, society has established ways of dealing with any problems it may generate. Not so here. In the recent past, few except the rich could afford domestic servants; most employed by the wealthy were, moreover, local and fitted in easily with the city's culture.
But beginning in the 1980s, more families became affluent enough to afford to employ domestic help, if not from Hong Kong, then from low-income countries in the region. This coincided with the start of a trend towards earlier retirement and prolonged higher education for more of our own population, and an ageing of that population in average terms.
The outcome has been an artificial construct in which most families regard full-time work as the norm for the husband and wife. The solution: vast numbers of foreign domestic helpers. This would be a win-win situation, you might think: a match of demand and supply. But the cultural gaps produce strain at the best of times. On the one hand are Hong Kong families with no experience of dealing with servants, who cannot speak the helper's language, and who live in apartments not designed for a Jane-Austen-type lifestyle. On the other hand are foreign helpers who have no training, can maintain only minimal contact with their families, and feel under pressure in a city not famous for its racial tolerance.
Who has not heard of cases of harassed employers bullying their employees (if not worse), underpaying them or refusing them holidays? Equally, how frequent are the anecdotes of maids who mistreat children, steal from the kitty or invite friends for parties when the boss is away?
So, a review by the government of its policy towards hiring domestic helpers from overseas seems overdue. A good starting point would be to recognise that the departments dealing with this issue (notably labour, immigration and police), have done a remarkable job in defusing tension, resolving disputes and taking action against rule-breakers. Our difficulties cannot be solved, therefore, by more regulations, stricter enforcement or a larger bureaucracy. And intrusive measures - spy cameras to watch employees or home checks on employers - should be thrown out.
Instead, the review should aim to halt the social marginalisation of domestic helpers. Ideas that could be pursued include longer contracts, probation periods, demonstrations by both parties of their financial standing (an employer often does not realise that a new helper has signed away six months' wages before even starting work), and a ruthless attitude to unscrupulous agents. The minimum wage could be extended to all domestic helpers, irrespective of whether they are foreign. And it is common sense that most of our domestic helpers should eventually come from the mainland.
In his famous essay on Charles Dickens, George Orwell said that, if the institution of domestic service had to be preserved, a feudal relationship was the only tolerable one. He meant that, in an ideal world, there would be no masters or servants, but in reality, servants should be treated as part of the family. There should be no stigma attached to "domestic service".
Andrew Wells is a former senior civil servant and a freelance writer.
ANDREW WELLS
The employment of foreign domestic helpers is once again in the news. The fact that almost half of Indonesian maids are being paid less than the minimum wage, together with incidents of mistreatment by employers, has led to letters, editorials and a general feeling that something should be done.
It is not an issue to be solved by well-meaning legal tinkering. It is inherent in the structure of Hong Kong society. In most countries, where the domestic master-servant relationship is still common, there is a long tradition behind it and, for good or ill, society has established ways of dealing with any problems it may generate. Not so here. In the recent past, few except the rich could afford domestic servants; most employed by the wealthy were, moreover, local and fitted in easily with the city's culture.
But beginning in the 1980s, more families became affluent enough to afford to employ domestic help, if not from Hong Kong, then from low-income countries in the region. This coincided with the start of a trend towards earlier retirement and prolonged higher education for more of our own population, and an ageing of that population in average terms.
The outcome has been an artificial construct in which most families regard full-time work as the norm for the husband and wife. The solution: vast numbers of foreign domestic helpers. This would be a win-win situation, you might think: a match of demand and supply. But the cultural gaps produce strain at the best of times. On the one hand are Hong Kong families with no experience of dealing with servants, who cannot speak the helper's language, and who live in apartments not designed for a Jane-Austen-type lifestyle. On the other hand are foreign helpers who have no training, can maintain only minimal contact with their families, and feel under pressure in a city not famous for its racial tolerance.
Who has not heard of cases of harassed employers bullying their employees (if not worse), underpaying them or refusing them holidays? Equally, how frequent are the anecdotes of maids who mistreat children, steal from the kitty or invite friends for parties when the boss is away?
So, a review by the government of its policy towards hiring domestic helpers from overseas seems overdue. A good starting point would be to recognise that the departments dealing with this issue (notably labour, immigration and police), have done a remarkable job in defusing tension, resolving disputes and taking action against rule-breakers. Our difficulties cannot be solved, therefore, by more regulations, stricter enforcement or a larger bureaucracy. And intrusive measures - spy cameras to watch employees or home checks on employers - should be thrown out.
Instead, the review should aim to halt the social marginalisation of domestic helpers. Ideas that could be pursued include longer contracts, probation periods, demonstrations by both parties of their financial standing (an employer often does not realise that a new helper has signed away six months' wages before even starting work), and a ruthless attitude to unscrupulous agents. The minimum wage could be extended to all domestic helpers, irrespective of whether they are foreign. And it is common sense that most of our domestic helpers should eventually come from the mainland.
In his famous essay on Charles Dickens, George Orwell said that, if the institution of domestic service had to be preserved, a feudal relationship was the only tolerable one. He meant that, in an ideal world, there would be no masters or servants, but in reality, servants should be treated as part of the family. There should be no stigma attached to "domestic service".
Andrew Wells is a former senior civil servant and a freelance writer.
Religious freedom the key, says Vatican as it seeks ties
scmp - Saturday, June 18, 2005
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Singapore
The Vatican yesterday underscored its desire to forge diplomatic relations with mainland China, but urged Beijing to first recognise "religious freedom as the most important of all freedoms".
"We are ready to enter into diplomatic relations. There are difficulties but I think they can be overcome. I pray it will be soon," said the Holy See's foreign minister, Archbishop Giovanni Lajolo.
"There's a better understanding from the side of the Chinese government on our position."
Archbishop Lajolo said in a lecture in Singapore: "Religious freedom is the most important of all kinds of freedoms, it brings together all kinds of freedoms. Of course, some regimes don't accept that. But freedom of religion is not dangerous."
The South China Morning Post reported this week the two sides held exchanges to pave the way for ties to be re-established and that Beijing is planning a working group on religious affairs to improve co-ordination. The key sticking points are what relationship Beijing will allow the Vatican to have with mainland Catholics, and the Vatican's diplomatic ties with Taiwan.
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Singapore
The Vatican yesterday underscored its desire to forge diplomatic relations with mainland China, but urged Beijing to first recognise "religious freedom as the most important of all freedoms".
"We are ready to enter into diplomatic relations. There are difficulties but I think they can be overcome. I pray it will be soon," said the Holy See's foreign minister, Archbishop Giovanni Lajolo.
"There's a better understanding from the side of the Chinese government on our position."
Archbishop Lajolo said in a lecture in Singapore: "Religious freedom is the most important of all kinds of freedoms, it brings together all kinds of freedoms. Of course, some regimes don't accept that. But freedom of religion is not dangerous."
The South China Morning Post reported this week the two sides held exchanges to pave the way for ties to be re-established and that Beijing is planning a working group on religious affairs to improve co-ordination. The key sticking points are what relationship Beijing will allow the Vatican to have with mainland Catholics, and the Vatican's diplomatic ties with Taiwan.
Dalai Lama defies Beijing and calls for greater Tibetan autonomy
scmp - Wednesday, June 15, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Oslo
Updated at 11.42am:
The Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet's Buddhists, called on Tuesday in Oslo for greater self-rule for Tibet in spite of a warning by Beijing that he should not engage in political activities during a visit to Scandinavia.
He told parliamentarians that Tibetans did not seek independence but the greatest degree of self-rule possible, according to the Norwegian press agency NTB.
He said that overall he was optimistic since the situation was evolving positively and Tibet shared the same basic values and aims as China - peace, progress and stability.
But he said the situation in Tibet was almost desperate because Tibetans were far from having won respect for their culture, values and human rights.
Earlier in the day China said it had warned Sweden against allowing him to engage in political activities during a brief stay in Scandinavia.
"The Chinese side expressed concerns to the Swedish side," foreign ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao said in Beijing of the visit to Gothenburg by Tibet's most revered spiritual leader.
"We stated that the Dalai Lama is not merely a religious figure, but he is a political exile disguised in religious dress that has engaged in activities aimed at splitting the Tibet region from the motherland."
China urged Sweden to abide by "relevant commitments" and properly handle the visit "so as to avoid harming bilateral relations," Liu said.
Chinese diplomats in Oslo protested against the official reception of the Dalai Lame, an Oslo newspaper reported, quoting a senior diplomat as saying he hoped the visit would not damage bilateral relations.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Oslo
Updated at 11.42am:
The Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet's Buddhists, called on Tuesday in Oslo for greater self-rule for Tibet in spite of a warning by Beijing that he should not engage in political activities during a visit to Scandinavia.
He told parliamentarians that Tibetans did not seek independence but the greatest degree of self-rule possible, according to the Norwegian press agency NTB.
He said that overall he was optimistic since the situation was evolving positively and Tibet shared the same basic values and aims as China - peace, progress and stability.
But he said the situation in Tibet was almost desperate because Tibetans were far from having won respect for their culture, values and human rights.
Earlier in the day China said it had warned Sweden against allowing him to engage in political activities during a brief stay in Scandinavia.
"The Chinese side expressed concerns to the Swedish side," foreign ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao said in Beijing of the visit to Gothenburg by Tibet's most revered spiritual leader.
"We stated that the Dalai Lama is not merely a religious figure, but he is a political exile disguised in religious dress that has engaged in activities aimed at splitting the Tibet region from the motherland."
China urged Sweden to abide by "relevant commitments" and properly handle the visit "so as to avoid harming bilateral relations," Liu said.
Chinese diplomats in Oslo protested against the official reception of the Dalai Lame, an Oslo newspaper reported, quoting a senior diplomat as saying he hoped the visit would not damage bilateral relations.
The politics of change
scmp - Wednesday, June 15, 2005
The defection in Sydney of Chinese diplomat Chen Yonglin underlines the delicate situation that Australia finds itself in as it seeks to strengthen its rapidly growing economic ties with Beijing while looking to maintain its traditional political and military relationship with Washington.
It also illustrates that China's rise will inevitably pose problems for other countries in the region. Long-time economic and political relationships will be thrown into disarray as countries try to position themselves to benefit from the emergence of a new economic, if not military, superpower.
On another level, Mr Chen's defection is an example of the dissonance within China, which has undergone a quarter of a century of economic reforms, but which is still politically under the control of a one-party dictatorship. In fact, recent events suggest that the leadership is tightening curbs on personal liberties rather than otherwise.
Australia is an excellent example of a country torn between its traditional loyalties to the US and its new ones to China. Last August, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer suggested that Australia could somehow not be involved if war broke out between China and the US over Taiwan, a suggestion quickly knocked down by the Americans.
Canberra has also been willing to depart from Washington's position vis-?vis China on another key issue. Prime Minister John Howard broke ranks with the US by recognising China's status as a full market economy. This status would help China fight charges in the World Trade Organisation of dumping; it is a status that America has refused to accord to China.
Trade between Australia and China is booming. Three years ago, China became Australia's third-largest trading partner. In 2003, it overtook the US to become Australia's second-largest export market. Two-way trade between China and Australia reached US$21.1 billion last year, up 38 per cent from 2003. Moreover, the two countries in April agreed to negotiate a free-trade agreement. According to a joint feasibility study, such a deal, if implemented next year, could boost Australia's gross domestic product by up to US$18 billion and China's by US$64 billion in a decade.
But the US remains Australia's ally and, if a crisis were to develop over Taiwan, Washington would expect its Asian allies - particularly Japan and Australia - to play their part. And, if China should ever turn into a military threat, Australia would turn to the US for help.
Besides, Australia continues to support American strategic initiatives and policies at both global and regional levels. It has agreed to joint development of a missile defence shield, part of an effort to expand military partnerships with Washington. China has made known its opposition to missile defence, especially in Asia, where it fears that such a shield would nullify its missile-construction efforts.
Sooner or later, Australia may have to choose. The defection forces it to choose between withholding political asylum from Mr Chen to avoid provoking China, or being true to its own values - and those of the US - by offering sanctuary.
The Chen case also shows that China's treatment of its dissidents can impact on its relations with other countries. According to Mr Chen, China has large numbers of agents in Australia whose job is to monitor the activities of members of the Falun Gong and political dissidents.
This is yet another sign that the time is ripe for China to move towards greater political liberalisation. Such a move would also facilitate economic development. This is because, in the absence of political reform, domestic political problems will impede China in the development of diplomatic and economic relationships. These are needed as it seeks to achieve the status of a developed nation with a modern economy.
Frank Ching is a Hong Kong-based writer and commentator.
The defection in Sydney of Chinese diplomat Chen Yonglin underlines the delicate situation that Australia finds itself in as it seeks to strengthen its rapidly growing economic ties with Beijing while looking to maintain its traditional political and military relationship with Washington.
It also illustrates that China's rise will inevitably pose problems for other countries in the region. Long-time economic and political relationships will be thrown into disarray as countries try to position themselves to benefit from the emergence of a new economic, if not military, superpower.
On another level, Mr Chen's defection is an example of the dissonance within China, which has undergone a quarter of a century of economic reforms, but which is still politically under the control of a one-party dictatorship. In fact, recent events suggest that the leadership is tightening curbs on personal liberties rather than otherwise.
Australia is an excellent example of a country torn between its traditional loyalties to the US and its new ones to China. Last August, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer suggested that Australia could somehow not be involved if war broke out between China and the US over Taiwan, a suggestion quickly knocked down by the Americans.
Canberra has also been willing to depart from Washington's position vis-?vis China on another key issue. Prime Minister John Howard broke ranks with the US by recognising China's status as a full market economy. This status would help China fight charges in the World Trade Organisation of dumping; it is a status that America has refused to accord to China.
Trade between Australia and China is booming. Three years ago, China became Australia's third-largest trading partner. In 2003, it overtook the US to become Australia's second-largest export market. Two-way trade between China and Australia reached US$21.1 billion last year, up 38 per cent from 2003. Moreover, the two countries in April agreed to negotiate a free-trade agreement. According to a joint feasibility study, such a deal, if implemented next year, could boost Australia's gross domestic product by up to US$18 billion and China's by US$64 billion in a decade.
But the US remains Australia's ally and, if a crisis were to develop over Taiwan, Washington would expect its Asian allies - particularly Japan and Australia - to play their part. And, if China should ever turn into a military threat, Australia would turn to the US for help.
Besides, Australia continues to support American strategic initiatives and policies at both global and regional levels. It has agreed to joint development of a missile defence shield, part of an effort to expand military partnerships with Washington. China has made known its opposition to missile defence, especially in Asia, where it fears that such a shield would nullify its missile-construction efforts.
Sooner or later, Australia may have to choose. The defection forces it to choose between withholding political asylum from Mr Chen to avoid provoking China, or being true to its own values - and those of the US - by offering sanctuary.
The Chen case also shows that China's treatment of its dissidents can impact on its relations with other countries. According to Mr Chen, China has large numbers of agents in Australia whose job is to monitor the activities of members of the Falun Gong and political dissidents.
This is yet another sign that the time is ripe for China to move towards greater political liberalisation. Such a move would also facilitate economic development. This is because, in the absence of political reform, domestic political problems will impede China in the development of diplomatic and economic relationships. These are needed as it seeks to achieve the status of a developed nation with a modern economy.
Frank Ching is a Hong Kong-based writer and commentator.
Malaysia's prosperity keeps Islamic fundamentalists at bay
Simon Tisdall in Kuala Lumpur
Tuesday June 7, 2005
The Guardian
Protest organisers from the Pan-Malaysian Islamic party had predicted a big turnout. But on a sticky afternoon in central Kuala Lumpur, hopes of striking a telling blow against the Qur'an-abusers of America passed unfulfilled.
Only a few hundred demonstrators made their way from Friday prayers to the US embassy, shouting anti-American slogans and brandishing placards saying "Stop Your Islamophobic Madness" and "Bushit".
A US official politely accepted a protest note, and watching riot police declined to charge.
Hasan Ali, Pan-Malaysian Islamic party (PAS) vice-president, warned they would be back. "The insults to the Qur'an must stop," he said.
The problems for PAS go beyond damp squib demos. Malaysia's relative economic prosperity, the unbroken dominance of the ethnic Malay party, Umno, patrician-style governance and pro-establishment media have kept the Islamic political movement in a box - so far.
After a surge in 1999, PAS stumbled badly in last year's elections. The Barisan Nasional, a coalition led by Umno, won 12 of 13 states, displacing PAS in Terengganu and almost defeating it in its northern heartland of Kelantan.
The results suggested that most ethnic Malays prefer their Islam in diluted form.
The prime minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, boasted recently that "Malaysia has always been a moderate Islamic country" that would never succumb to "extremism".
Mr Abdullah is promoting a modernising concept known as Islam Hadhari that stresses piety, civilisation and knowledge. His predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, recently mocked the PAS's spiritual leader, Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat. "Nik says if you vote for PAS, you go to heaven," Dr Mahathir said. "Who has been there to verify this?"
One diplomatic source said: "There's an ongoing debate on the extent to which Malaysia should be an Islamic country, about sharia law and the huddud [penal code].
The source added: "But Malaysia is one of few examples globally where a party basing its appeal on more assertive Islam was turned back at the ballot box."
Yet it would be dangerous to underestimate PAS. The party was struggling to make an impact because Malaysia's democratic system was not free or fair, said Nasharudin Mat Isa, the party's new deputy president.
Last year's polls had been manipulated and international observers should monitor the 2008 election, he said.
Mr Mat Isa accused government figures of smearing PAS by linking it to regional terrorist groups such as Jemaah Islamiya and the less known, indigenous Malaysia Mujahideen Group.
"We have no links with any of these groups. If any member were found to be connected, they would be expelled from the party."
Mr Mat Isa acknowledged PAS had an image problem. "We are not seen as representing the national interest," he said.
Nevertheless, it would maintain plans to introduce huddud, which includes traditional punishments for Muslims such as hand amputation for theft and stoning to death for adultery.
The influence of hardline mullahs is behind pressure for policing of the music and entertainment industry and bouts of book-banning.
For now, at least, PAS is committed to the democratic process even though it believes it to be flawed. The party claims its 800,000-strong membership is growing by 1,000 a month.
It has a strong expatriate following on some British campuses. A new, younger leadership is coming to the fore. And it is building ties to secular opposition parties. The People's Justice party leader, Anwar Ibrahim, described PAS as "very responsible", though he opposes its more fundamentalist ideas.
Like many in Malaysia, PAS is waiting to see how long Umno's clannish oligarchy can resist meaningful reform while sustaining economic prosperity in the teeth of increasing competition from China and India. Future US actions may also play a role.
If and when a crunch comes, PAS aims to be ready, on and off the streets. The strident voice of Islamic activism in Malaysia may soon grow louder.
Tuesday June 7, 2005
The Guardian
Protest organisers from the Pan-Malaysian Islamic party had predicted a big turnout. But on a sticky afternoon in central Kuala Lumpur, hopes of striking a telling blow against the Qur'an-abusers of America passed unfulfilled.
Only a few hundred demonstrators made their way from Friday prayers to the US embassy, shouting anti-American slogans and brandishing placards saying "Stop Your Islamophobic Madness" and "Bushit".
A US official politely accepted a protest note, and watching riot police declined to charge.
Hasan Ali, Pan-Malaysian Islamic party (PAS) vice-president, warned they would be back. "The insults to the Qur'an must stop," he said.
The problems for PAS go beyond damp squib demos. Malaysia's relative economic prosperity, the unbroken dominance of the ethnic Malay party, Umno, patrician-style governance and pro-establishment media have kept the Islamic political movement in a box - so far.
After a surge in 1999, PAS stumbled badly in last year's elections. The Barisan Nasional, a coalition led by Umno, won 12 of 13 states, displacing PAS in Terengganu and almost defeating it in its northern heartland of Kelantan.
The results suggested that most ethnic Malays prefer their Islam in diluted form.
The prime minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, boasted recently that "Malaysia has always been a moderate Islamic country" that would never succumb to "extremism".
Mr Abdullah is promoting a modernising concept known as Islam Hadhari that stresses piety, civilisation and knowledge. His predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, recently mocked the PAS's spiritual leader, Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat. "Nik says if you vote for PAS, you go to heaven," Dr Mahathir said. "Who has been there to verify this?"
One diplomatic source said: "There's an ongoing debate on the extent to which Malaysia should be an Islamic country, about sharia law and the huddud [penal code].
The source added: "But Malaysia is one of few examples globally where a party basing its appeal on more assertive Islam was turned back at the ballot box."
Yet it would be dangerous to underestimate PAS. The party was struggling to make an impact because Malaysia's democratic system was not free or fair, said Nasharudin Mat Isa, the party's new deputy president.
Last year's polls had been manipulated and international observers should monitor the 2008 election, he said.
Mr Mat Isa accused government figures of smearing PAS by linking it to regional terrorist groups such as Jemaah Islamiya and the less known, indigenous Malaysia Mujahideen Group.
"We have no links with any of these groups. If any member were found to be connected, they would be expelled from the party."
Mr Mat Isa acknowledged PAS had an image problem. "We are not seen as representing the national interest," he said.
Nevertheless, it would maintain plans to introduce huddud, which includes traditional punishments for Muslims such as hand amputation for theft and stoning to death for adultery.
The influence of hardline mullahs is behind pressure for policing of the music and entertainment industry and bouts of book-banning.
For now, at least, PAS is committed to the democratic process even though it believes it to be flawed. The party claims its 800,000-strong membership is growing by 1,000 a month.
It has a strong expatriate following on some British campuses. A new, younger leadership is coming to the fore. And it is building ties to secular opposition parties. The People's Justice party leader, Anwar Ibrahim, described PAS as "very responsible", though he opposes its more fundamentalist ideas.
Like many in Malaysia, PAS is waiting to see how long Umno's clannish oligarchy can resist meaningful reform while sustaining economic prosperity in the teeth of increasing competition from China and India. Future US actions may also play a role.
If and when a crunch comes, PAS aims to be ready, on and off the streets. The strident voice of Islamic activism in Malaysia may soon grow louder.
Where are China's democrats?
scmp - Saturday, June 4, 2005
JONATHAN POWER
The late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping once promised that China would be a democracy by 2035. Then 16 years ago came the massacre of the protesting students in Tiananmen Square, and the worldwide reputation of Deng, until then regarded as the great reformer of the moribund Chinese command economy, dipped downwards and never fully recovered. The big question remains topical: when will democracy arrive in China?
There have been, and are, a significant number of would-be reformers in the higher ranks. From the late former general secretary of the party, Zhao Ziyang , who appeared in Tiananmen at the height of the protests to tell the students he had come "too late", to Premier Wen Jiabao , who two years ago, in a supposedly secret speech, appeared to be emulating Mikhail Gorbachev's appeal for glasnost.
He said: "Our first step should be to open the flow of information - only then can we enable the public to supervise the government and prevent social instability".
But these voices, scattered among the Chinese leadership, are only one factor. Democracy in China will not arrive until the people themselves push for it. Civil society in China is still weak. Karl Marx explained the stagnation of imperial China owed much to the lack of a strong bourgeoisie.
There is nothing like the Catholic Church of Poland which was the prime force in catalysing the overthrow of communism in Eastern Europe. Nor is there anything resembling the old democratic parties of Hungary, or the large dissident intellectual circles of Czechoslovakia.
China does have a revolutionary heritage rooted in its intellectual class, dating back at least to Sun Yat-sen, founder of the Chinese republic, but that class still has to find a way to spread its message.
The lesson of Tiananmen Square, which becomes clearer with the passing of time, was the students failed, not so much because of the ruthlessness of Deng's repression, but because they refused to make alliances with others.
During their protest the students linked arms to prevent outsiders joining the demonstrations. Even after 40 years of communism, the old Confucian values rating mental labour above manual remained intact. Not until the final week in May did the students, aware the army was likely to be brought in, seek support in the factories.
Despite the airs and graces of the students, sections of the working class did mobilise. The official newspaper, Workers' Daily, reported that "so-called workers' organisations sprouted up everywhere in various disguises".
More surprisingly, entrepreneurial groups also mobilised, able to engage in action without fear of losing jobs and grants. They even bought the students fax machines. They too were given the brush off by the students who, doubtlessly unconsciously, fused Confucian prejudice against businesspeople with communist claptrap on capitalist exploitation.
Taiwan, where democracy has advanced so successfully over the last two decades, shows the Confucian heritage does not have to be a barrier to modern cross-class alliances. But the Tiananmen crackdown showed us how much hard work lies ahead to develop China's civil society in a similar way.
The danger today, as China's economic growth continues and with it the rapid expansion of a materially focused bourgeoisie, is that the cause of democracy, free speech and human rights will not be given the focused energy needed to push them forward.
It is a telling indictment of China's top-heavy system that reform is more talked about by people who hold, or who have held, high positions than the students and young professionals themselves.
It would be ironic if Deng's timetable is about right, and we have to sit and wait for a new generation to grow up - the one only just being born - that thinks more politically and humanistically than materially and one that is broadminded enough to forge alliances, especially with the working class.
The year of democracy in China might well be 2035.
Jonathan Power is a London-based journalist.
JONATHAN POWER
The late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping once promised that China would be a democracy by 2035. Then 16 years ago came the massacre of the protesting students in Tiananmen Square, and the worldwide reputation of Deng, until then regarded as the great reformer of the moribund Chinese command economy, dipped downwards and never fully recovered. The big question remains topical: when will democracy arrive in China?
There have been, and are, a significant number of would-be reformers in the higher ranks. From the late former general secretary of the party, Zhao Ziyang , who appeared in Tiananmen at the height of the protests to tell the students he had come "too late", to Premier Wen Jiabao , who two years ago, in a supposedly secret speech, appeared to be emulating Mikhail Gorbachev's appeal for glasnost.
He said: "Our first step should be to open the flow of information - only then can we enable the public to supervise the government and prevent social instability".
But these voices, scattered among the Chinese leadership, are only one factor. Democracy in China will not arrive until the people themselves push for it. Civil society in China is still weak. Karl Marx explained the stagnation of imperial China owed much to the lack of a strong bourgeoisie.
There is nothing like the Catholic Church of Poland which was the prime force in catalysing the overthrow of communism in Eastern Europe. Nor is there anything resembling the old democratic parties of Hungary, or the large dissident intellectual circles of Czechoslovakia.
China does have a revolutionary heritage rooted in its intellectual class, dating back at least to Sun Yat-sen, founder of the Chinese republic, but that class still has to find a way to spread its message.
The lesson of Tiananmen Square, which becomes clearer with the passing of time, was the students failed, not so much because of the ruthlessness of Deng's repression, but because they refused to make alliances with others.
During their protest the students linked arms to prevent outsiders joining the demonstrations. Even after 40 years of communism, the old Confucian values rating mental labour above manual remained intact. Not until the final week in May did the students, aware the army was likely to be brought in, seek support in the factories.
Despite the airs and graces of the students, sections of the working class did mobilise. The official newspaper, Workers' Daily, reported that "so-called workers' organisations sprouted up everywhere in various disguises".
More surprisingly, entrepreneurial groups also mobilised, able to engage in action without fear of losing jobs and grants. They even bought the students fax machines. They too were given the brush off by the students who, doubtlessly unconsciously, fused Confucian prejudice against businesspeople with communist claptrap on capitalist exploitation.
Taiwan, where democracy has advanced so successfully over the last two decades, shows the Confucian heritage does not have to be a barrier to modern cross-class alliances. But the Tiananmen crackdown showed us how much hard work lies ahead to develop China's civil society in a similar way.
The danger today, as China's economic growth continues and with it the rapid expansion of a materially focused bourgeoisie, is that the cause of democracy, free speech and human rights will not be given the focused energy needed to push them forward.
It is a telling indictment of China's top-heavy system that reform is more talked about by people who hold, or who have held, high positions than the students and young professionals themselves.
It would be ironic if Deng's timetable is about right, and we have to sit and wait for a new generation to grow up - the one only just being born - that thinks more politically and humanistically than materially and one that is broadminded enough to forge alliances, especially with the working class.
The year of democracy in China might well be 2035.
Jonathan Power is a London-based journalist.
China opposes draft enlargement of UN Security Council
scmp - Friday, June 3, 2005
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE at the United Nations
Updated at 10.39am:
The mainland opposes enlarging the UN Security Council by giving Brazil, Germany, India and Japan each a permanent seat on the UN body, Chinese UN ambassador Wang Guangya said overnight (HK time).
If those four countries, dubbed G4, continue their proposal, China would oppose it, Mr Wang told reporters at UN headquarters.
Mr Wang called the proposal dangerous, saying it would divide the United Nations, destroy its unity and derail discussion of UN reforms.
On May 16, the G4 circulated a draft resolution addressed to the General Assembly proposing a 25-member Security Council, 10 more than the current 15, and with six new permanent members.
The mainland has made clear in the past that it is against Japan being granted permanent status on the Security Council, demanding it first correct its attitude to its wartime history.
The four plan to put the motion to the general assembly if they are certain they will get the support of two thirds of the 191 UN members.
The text does not say which countries should become permanent members but proposes two for Asia, two for Africa, one for Western Europe and one for Latin America.
Africa, Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe would each get one of the new non-permanent seats.
India, Japan, Germany and Brazil say that all of the new permanent members should have the same right to veto a resolution as the current five permanent members: Britain, China, France, Russia and the United States.
China has vowed to block Japan from becoming a permanent member of the Security Council in part because of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s annual pilgrimage to a shrine that honours Japanese war dead, including war criminals.
China has called Mr Koizumi’s visits to the shrine the biggest obstacle in bilateral relations. Last week Chinese Vice-Premier Wu Yi cancelled a meeting with Koizumi to protest statements on the Shinto sanctuary, which honours 2.5 million Japanese who died in war including 14 war criminals.
The state-run China Daily went so far on Monday as to equate Mr Koizumi’s pilgrimage, which mourns Japanese who died in wars since 1853, with a German chancellor visiting Hitler’s bunker.
Mr Koizumi on has defended his annual visits, saying the pilgrimage is a Japanese way to honour the dead and that Japan is staunchly pacifist six decades after World War II.
AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE at the United Nations
Updated at 10.39am:
The mainland opposes enlarging the UN Security Council by giving Brazil, Germany, India and Japan each a permanent seat on the UN body, Chinese UN ambassador Wang Guangya said overnight (HK time).
If those four countries, dubbed G4, continue their proposal, China would oppose it, Mr Wang told reporters at UN headquarters.
Mr Wang called the proposal dangerous, saying it would divide the United Nations, destroy its unity and derail discussion of UN reforms.
On May 16, the G4 circulated a draft resolution addressed to the General Assembly proposing a 25-member Security Council, 10 more than the current 15, and with six new permanent members.
The mainland has made clear in the past that it is against Japan being granted permanent status on the Security Council, demanding it first correct its attitude to its wartime history.
The four plan to put the motion to the general assembly if they are certain they will get the support of two thirds of the 191 UN members.
The text does not say which countries should become permanent members but proposes two for Asia, two for Africa, one for Western Europe and one for Latin America.
Africa, Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe would each get one of the new non-permanent seats.
India, Japan, Germany and Brazil say that all of the new permanent members should have the same right to veto a resolution as the current five permanent members: Britain, China, France, Russia and the United States.
China has vowed to block Japan from becoming a permanent member of the Security Council in part because of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s annual pilgrimage to a shrine that honours Japanese war dead, including war criminals.
China has called Mr Koizumi’s visits to the shrine the biggest obstacle in bilateral relations. Last week Chinese Vice-Premier Wu Yi cancelled a meeting with Koizumi to protest statements on the Shinto sanctuary, which honours 2.5 million Japanese who died in war including 14 war criminals.
The state-run China Daily went so far on Monday as to equate Mr Koizumi’s pilgrimage, which mourns Japanese who died in wars since 1853, with a German chancellor visiting Hitler’s bunker.
Mr Koizumi on has defended his annual visits, saying the pilgrimage is a Japanese way to honour the dead and that Japan is staunchly pacifist six decades after World War II.
India controls 44pc of world outsourcing business
Friday, June 3, 2005
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Bangalore
India controlled 44 per cent of the global offshore outsourcing market for software and back-office services, with revenues of US$17.2 billion (HK$134 billion) in the year to March, the main information technology trade body said on Thursday.
As many as 400 of the Fortune 500 companies either had their own centres in India or outsourced to Indian technology firms, S. Ramadorai, chairman of National Association of Software and Services Companies, or Nasscom, said.
"While our traditional services are growing, multinational companies are also working out ways to outsource newer processes that were not outsourced before," Mr Ramadorai said.
He said India's market share was projected to expand to 51 per cent by March 2008, when annual revenues were expected to touch US$48 billion, amid global outsourcing spending of US$96 billion.
At the end of March, India's outsourcing industry employed 1.05 million programmers and other skilled workers, while giving indirect employment to 2.5 million people in support services such as transport and catering.
More than 660 multinational companies each brought business worth more than US$1 million annually to India, where hourly software development rates range between US$18 and US$26, compared with onsite rates of US$55 to US$65 in the United States and Europe.
Scores of Western companies farm out software development, engineering design and routine office functions such as answering customer calls to India and other countries where skilled workers are plentiful and wages low.
Canada is the nearest competitor with a 32 per cent share; China has 4.9 per cent and Eastern European countries have 4.5 per cent.
India's revenue for the fiscal year to March grew 34.5 per cent, as against the target of 25 per cent, Mr Ramadorai said. Of the total revenues, software services accounted for US$12 billion, while back-office revenues accounted for US$5.2 billion. Comparable figures were not given for the previous year.
In the current fiscal year, India's software and back-office exports were expected to reach US$22.5 billion (euro18.4 billion), Mr Ramadorai said.
ASSOCIATED PRESS in Bangalore
India controlled 44 per cent of the global offshore outsourcing market for software and back-office services, with revenues of US$17.2 billion (HK$134 billion) in the year to March, the main information technology trade body said on Thursday.
As many as 400 of the Fortune 500 companies either had their own centres in India or outsourced to Indian technology firms, S. Ramadorai, chairman of National Association of Software and Services Companies, or Nasscom, said.
"While our traditional services are growing, multinational companies are also working out ways to outsource newer processes that were not outsourced before," Mr Ramadorai said.
He said India's market share was projected to expand to 51 per cent by March 2008, when annual revenues were expected to touch US$48 billion, amid global outsourcing spending of US$96 billion.
At the end of March, India's outsourcing industry employed 1.05 million programmers and other skilled workers, while giving indirect employment to 2.5 million people in support services such as transport and catering.
More than 660 multinational companies each brought business worth more than US$1 million annually to India, where hourly software development rates range between US$18 and US$26, compared with onsite rates of US$55 to US$65 in the United States and Europe.
Scores of Western companies farm out software development, engineering design and routine office functions such as answering customer calls to India and other countries where skilled workers are plentiful and wages low.
Canada is the nearest competitor with a 32 per cent share; China has 4.9 per cent and Eastern European countries have 4.5 per cent.
India's revenue for the fiscal year to March grew 34.5 per cent, as against the target of 25 per cent, Mr Ramadorai said. Of the total revenues, software services accounted for US$12 billion, while back-office revenues accounted for US$5.2 billion. Comparable figures were not given for the previous year.
In the current fiscal year, India's software and back-office exports were expected to reach US$22.5 billion (euro18.4 billion), Mr Ramadorai said.
